Like before, I suppose I could have just spent more time pitching it a bunch of places. But, I've decided I have too much other stuff to do and wanted to see it somewhere. So why not here?
It's not quite a final edit. So there's still some awkward wording I was still mulling over (all highlighted in yellow). And even one portion where I have a filler [##] where I'd like to fill in a number I could not confirm. But, whatever, it's cool beans for me for now.
If anything I enjoyed walking and driving around Brooklyn. Still feel like I didn't get to see enough. It is HUGE. And much more interesting in its entirety than I would have imagined.
I don't know what kind of impression the write-up leaves. But I'm sort of Bloomberg neutral (as I am about too many things). Mostly, because New York City is such a large place. And after his decade-plus governing the city, there's a lot of ground to judge and cover that I haven't yet.
I can say that the rezonings were an effort towards something. Good or bad, it's a start that can be improved upon by the next admninstration (yeah, you can call that a copout if you'd like. I'm still trying to figure if it is myself).
Look out below, and all that good stuff.
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Jerome Krase has lived in Brooklyn 70 years, has been
teaching college-level sociology, most recently at CUNY, for more than 40 years,
and has given local tours for 30. Over
the last 10 years, as Bloomberg rezoned one-fifth of New York City blocks,
Brooklyn went through its share of real estate development, gentrification, in no small part due to the
rezoning policies.
Media took growing
interest in Brooklyn’s transition over the past few years. And Krase says he’s “almost
every reporter’s cheap date” at the rate of about one per week.
He essentially tells a franker version of pretty much
everything you’ve read in the newspapers.
Pre-Bloomberg (1970s), sprawl-weary policy and public temperament
made public housing or small, self-funded real estate projects the norm. The
90’s happen. “Some Midwestern kid” drops
$1,500 - $2,000 a month for a $1,000 apartment. His friends, their friends, and
press coverage follow.
Bloomberg’s elected. The Bloomberg administration bypasses traditional
piecemeal variances, rezoning some one-fifth of the entire city of New
York City. The floodgates open.
Private credit and public subsidies flow where it used to
trickle. Luxury apartments touch
skylines. Chain stores, and “chi chi” boutiques touch downs. “Yuppies” join the
heard. Out-priced residents move out yonder. Krase questions who benefits.
“That’s the key thing,” said Krase. “Brooklyn for
whom?”
“Bloomberg has a vision of what he wants New York City to be
doing.” And what he wants, says Krase, is a statue of Bloomberg to be
resurrected when he is gone. “But he’s surrounded by all kinds of people who
want certain things.” Developers want taller skylines and freedom to build. Residents
wanted to preserve their homes, downzonings, and reduce density. The result reflects a triangulation between
Brooklyn’s most vocal, the powers that be, current residents with the means to
maintain economic value, and future residents who can spend enough money to add
to it.
Wherever a group of tall buildings group, long retail
cooridors exist, or a collection of valuable pre-war residences cluster, there’s
bound to be a rezoning meant to preserve the neighborhood or allow for
residential development. One only need a map of the city planning department
rezonings and two feet to see it with their own eyes.
Where Brooklyn Heights runs into Downtown Brooklyn,
rows of “historic” refurbished
brownstones are hidden behind a dense collection of retailers, commercial sites,
and government buildings. An
new Equinox, Starbucks,
and sign declaring a future neighborhood upscaling converge on Court Street.
Walking East on Atlantic from Brooklyn Heights towards downtown
Flatbush Avenue, you can still see a downtown Brooklyn in transition. The aged, nine- story low-income Muhlenburg
apartments, once one of downtown’s larger real estate projects, sits between
closed and fading retailers, and across from refitted facade rowhouses,
boutiques, and restaurants.
Once Atlantic runs Flatbush, you’ll find a neighborhood transformed.
Downtown Flatbush Avenue resembles the Brooklyn rezoner’s ethos: A long
row of retailers, gradually giving way to pockets of upscale eateries,
clothiers, and boutiques, all flanked by high-value brownstones, extending into
retail-heavy Fulton outdoor Mall area. Only a few years old,
the Barclays’ Center’s shiny glass shell, wrapped in winding metal curtains the color of
rust, blends into the old industrial-looking buildings behind it, the shiny new
Atlantic Center mall to its right,
old-timey and upscale stores on and off of Flatbush Avenue.
And there’s more to
come. In 2004, rezonings were added for residential development on
two sides of downtwon Flatbush Avenue. One, behind the
Atlantic Avenue Terminal (near 3rd Avenue side), where a new
apartment building stands. Another, further west, where brownstones on State Street,
a row of closed retail shops line Flatbush, and side-street of refurbished and
aging retailers sit the near a Board of Education building on third avenue.
It’s a common theme. Downtown residential upzonings generally
reserved lots for large luxury apartment projects in crowded commercial areas. Rezonings
made room for 9 Townshouse luxury apartments amongst government buildings in
Brooklyn Heights. Before the massive 200
Schermerhorn apartment building was parked amongst
the retailers, school, community center, and older housing between downtown
Flatbush and Fulton Mall, it was a nameless, brandless amendment on a city
planning map. Concentrated development on Atlantic’s south end followed an
eleven-block long upzoning along the avenue.
It’s planned density. A new Brooklynite who can afford the
$2,000 a month rent can spend their free hours and extra dollars eating,
shopping, seeing a show, or otherwise entertaining themselves just outside
their doorstep, for blocks in any direction. No need to cross the bridge into Manhattan. You can now feel just as comfortable in dark jeans
and loafers as you would in worn jeans and a T-shirt.
The Bloomberg rezonings are largely a bet on the upper-middle class. Commercializing the downtown area and stabilizing adjacent
neighborhoods, the theory goes, helps create an economic loop where stable,
well-to-do neighbors and neighborhoods could anchor and feed into the growing
downtown retail scene.
Of course, not everyone in Brooklyn is well-to-do or earns professional,
middle class incomes to help them keep pace with rising skylines and rents. So,
starting with rezonings in 2004, the administration also sought to “facilitate
new mixed-use academic and revenue-generating office buildings” along two
blocks adjacent
to the Brooklyn bridge. Brooklyn universities and tech startups occupy the space
at the center of a planned technology hub. Those two “super blocks” have since
grown into the ambitious Tech Triangle Initiative, which extends the hub across
Downtown Brooklyn, Dumbo, and the Brooklyn Navy Yards. The city expects that
the Triangle will add 18,000 direct and 43,000 direct jobs in the next two
years.
It’s another forward looking all-in bet that’s nothing short
of admirable. Plenty cities have touted technology hubs, and often don’t take
action necessary to forward their visions. It’s an admirably solid
and ambitious plan that can benefit those with the right skill sets. But
for low-income or long-time residents without tech acumen on or freshly minted
top tier college degrees, the benefits are questionable. Will these tech companies
hire long-time locals with as much verve as they might Columbia grads or
Silicone Valley transplants?
The alternative $10 an hour service jobs that come with all the new
retailers, restaurants, and luxury real estate don’t exactly compensate enough
to support a $2,000 per month rent, let alone a sense of upward mobility. The 1980 development of the East
Brooklyn Industrial Park was the last medium-scale effort to help improve working
class economy. The Bloomberg-era rezonings, in contrast, have slightly reduced
industrial zones downtown, and have remained indifferent to mini industrial
parks and manufacturing areas elsewhere. Every community facility rezonings
(schools, government, etc. buildings) reduce space (although irrelevancy can be
argued due to recession-era government cutbacks).
Affordable housing often sit in the middle of gentrifying areas,
without new widescale employment programs to support its tenants. Large public
housing sites are tucked behind brownstones and restaurants in Gowanus. Inclusionary
housing amendments exist at the intersection
of Fulton Street Mall and Flatbush Avenue, an area upzoned for
upscale residential development and retail capacity, but reduced in
manufacturing capacity. In Fort
Greene, by Myrtle Avenue, a rezoning was
passed in order to build The
Andrea,
a luxury apartment building, on a small sliver between two sizable public
housing developments and a CVS.
In addition to economic barriers to upward mobility, there
is the law to consider. Under the current charter loopholes, contributing
below-market rate housing is voluntary, and inclusionary housing units can be
provided off site. Plans are approved in a lengthy process in which council
reps, a city planning
board (which includes developers), and the mayor’s office have voting or
veto power. Renters, vocal or not, don’t have as much leverage in the
rezonings as developers with money, or home owners who properties help anchor
economic value. The common man’s only enforceable power lay in city
council representatives that side with them.
This power imbalance reflects itself through policy. In neighborhoods where residents own a
significant portion of valuable real estate, contextualized rezonings strike a
balance between preservation and preparation for upscaled architectural
uniformity. In rezoned areas with higher portions of lower-income renters, rezonings
and development reflect more dramatic developer-driven transformations.
“Brownstone Brooklyn,” for example, mainly consists of downtown
adjacent neighborhoods with high concentrations of valuable resident-owned brownstones.
Rezonings essentially double down on previous efforts to maintain negligible
development, carefully controlled traffic flow, and purposefully limited parking,
while allowing room for managed retail growth on commercial avenues.
In Williamsburg, a well-prepared, actively involved, but less-elite
renting population was more or less plowed over during the rezoning process. A
request for small scale manufacturing space was nixed. Inclusionary
housing was placed in separate buildings with fewer amenities. Demands for a
clean waterfront in exchange for development ushered in what looks more like a
cleansing. Gleaming 20 story buildings were built next to and above old
factories, 2-3 story buildings, and neighborhood bodegas. Today, the waterfront looks like a parody of
Williamsburg’s past.
In Bedstuy, Fulton
Avenue, a [##]
block long commercial road of well-attended retailers, splits through 300 blocks
of neighborhood brownstones and town houses. The
neighborhood infrastructure is a dead ringer for the larger Brooklyn rezoning
vision. Despite gentrification that began in the mid 1990’s and city planned
“contextual envelopes,” most of the neighborhood doesn’t yet have the refitted,
post-rezoning look common to downtown. However, much as
new money has transformed Williamsburg’s
waterfront, small cafes, new restaurants, and boutiques are clustered in
pockets off of Fulton, Classon, and Greene. Given an active local interest in
developing the neighborhood’s business district, more change should be expected
overtime.
That’s good news for residents who own brownstones or can
afford the increase in rent. Again, questionable for those who have no way to
increase income. The Bradford, the neighborhood’s only new “mid-priced”
Bradford apartment building pairs $2,000 per month apartments with $400 inclusionary
units.
Further South and East of downtown, the skyline shrinks into mixed-style low-rise
architecture, there is more space, fewer side-street brownstones, and commercial
avenues are less developed. The rezonings in these neighborhoods sell preservation
and minor overhauls in the same package. City planning department documents focus on
contextualized preservation while describing the kinds of “contextualized envelopes”
that foreshadow downtown’s block-by-block uniformity. Often, rezoned areas are
bordered by something resembling the end goal: blocks of refitted housings,
tidy architecture, and manicured lawns these neighborhoods are slowly, but
visibly, transitioning towards.
Canarsie, the only rezoned neighborhood in east East
Brooklyn, shares the same appeal, feel, and planned future as south
Brooklyn, with a twist. It is a decidedly middle-class, tree-lined neighborhood
where more than one-third of residents are homeowners. The rezonings focus on
contextualized neighborhood preservation, including the “enveloping” that comes
with it. But here, the modest commercial avenues look especially bare compared
to city plans and the income that surrounds it. That potential, that space
between the tidy city plans and the actual transitioning neighborhood, will allow
the Bloomberg-era rezonings to have extended influence in Brooklyn beyond his
final term.
Across Brooklyn, despite a decade of partially
policy-enabled, Bloomberg-era change, noticeable gaps between the shifting landscape
and documented ambitions remain. Downtown
isn’t quite yet Manhattan’s ultra-dense metropolitan doppelganger. Poster ads
on the outer windows and walls of newly built luxury apartment buildings still
beckon first tenants. Buildings, some patched with bright orange tarp and
nettings, are being built. Signs in empty lots claim space for the next newer,
taller, shinier things to come. Square blocks rezoned for residential
development in the heart of downtown Brooklyn have yet to be claimed. Even 4thAvenue, the widest, longest,
and most ambitiously rezoned mixed-use avenues, looks sparse compared to city
plans.
The rezonings set a precedent for the most obvious and
common of urban development dilemmas.
In passing policies that support developers, protect real estate owners,
benefit newer high-income residents, and supports a job infrastructure for the
young and highly educated, downtown Brooklyn is not-so-gradually becoming a
more self-sustaining retail, residential, and entertainment hub.
For better and for worse, Bloomberg gets to own all of that.
What he doesn’t, or shouldn’t, want to own is a legacy of stunting equality and
mobility that comes with all the other benefits. And when he leaves office this August, that portion
of his legacy may be left in the hands of the next administration.
As outpriced renters move further east into already old “new
frontier” neighborhoods like Buschwick and East New York, developers are
claiming space ahead of them, without government assistance. And, unlike in years past, they aren’t announcing
plans to build the next
semi-skilled manufacturing and shipping hub. Whether via digital bytes
or metal machines, a concentrated effort on working class and semi-skilled employment
opportunities may lead to a better Brooklyn for everyone.
Even for the Brooklynites who have always been here.